Why the Schabas Report will be every bit as biased as the Goldstone Report
Until he was
forced out a month ago when it was discovered that he had worked for the PLO, William Schabas
headed the United Nations 'human rights council's commission of inquiry into Israel's summer 2014 Operation Protective Edge. The UN has tried arguing that Schabas' resignation means the report won't be biased. That's nonsense. But not for the reason you think. In a lengthy article published by the Tower, Hillel Neuer explains how
Richard Goldstone was duped when he headed the Commission of Inquiry into Operation Cast Lead in 2009, and how as much as Schabas was anti-Israel, his presence or absence on the Commission likely made little difference.
There seems no question that Goldstone was duped. He never suspected
that OHCHR, the UN agency in charge of providing him with professional
staff support, had quietly embedded one of the world’s top anti-Israel
lawfare strategists into the team. After all, only four years before,
Goldstone had worked on another UN inquiry on the oil-for-food program.
In that case, he was supported by a highly professional staff based in
New York, with most if not all of them lawyers and experts hired from
the outside. Goldstone assumed the Gaza inquiry would be the same.
But it was not the same. The culture of the Geneva-based OHCHR
secretariat is known to be far more anti-American, anti-colonial, and
anti-Israel than the one in New York. In his naiveté, Goldstone was
blind to the prejudice and political agenda of his own bureaucracy.
Indeed, there is not the slightest indication that Goldstone had any
knowledge of Baars’ extremist activism. But OHCHR knew—and that is why
they hired her.
On March 23, what for six months was the Schabas Commission, and now
in its final and seventh month has become the McGowan Davis Commission,
will present its report to the Human Rights Council. Do we have any
reason to expect a fair, objective, and credible report?
Not if we consider the built-in prejudice of the commission’s
founding mandate, spelled out in resolution S-21/1 of July 23, 2014,
which preemptively declares Israel guilty. It condemns the Jewish state
“in the strongest terms,” citing “widespread, systematic, and gross
violations of international human rights,” “the targeting of civilians
and civilian properties” as a form of “collective punishment contrary to
international law,” “disproportionate and indiscriminate attacks,”
“grave violations of the human rights of the Palestinian civilian
population,” and “military aggressions.” The resolution mentions Israel
18 times. Hamas is not mentioned once.
Not if we consider that Schabas, the activist chairman who says
that he “devoted several months of work” to the project, is someone who
performed undisclosed paid legal work for the PLO—on the subject of how
to prosecute Israelis in international courts—and who famously declared
barely three years ago that the leader he most wants to see in the dock
at the International Criminal Court is Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu.
And—as the cautionary tale of lawfare general Grietje Baars as the
key author of the original Goldstone Report makes clear—not if we
consider the outsized role played by OHCHR in compiling the evidence,
processing submissions, and picking the people to draft the report’s
chapters and conclusions. Everything we now know about how OHCHR
engineered the travesty of the original Goldstone Report indicates that
Goldstone II will suffer the same politically-motivated fate.
Read the whole thing. The woman whose picture is at the top of this post is Grietje Baars, whose name you probably never heard until today.
Labels: Gaza, Goldstone Report, IDF, Operation Protective Edge, Richard Goldstone, United Nations, United Nations Human Rights Council, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, William Schabas
Second reporter confirms AP ordered staff to shun Steinberg
A second reporter has now confirmed
Matti Friedman's charges that the AP ordered its reporters not to interview or quote Professor Gerald Steinberg or NGO Monitor.
In case you're wondering, the reporter who confirmed the ban was
Mark Lavie.
Labels: anti-Israel media bias, Gaza, Gerald Steinberg, Goldstone Report, NGO Monitor, NGO's, Palestinian incitement, Palestinian terrorism
Matti Friedman takes on the NGO's
You might recall that last summer, former AP reporter and editor Matti Friedman wrote a blockbuster piece about the
institutional bias in the international media's reporting from Israel. He's back again with lots more details, including
the media's partnership with NGO's (non-governmental organizations).
To make sense of most international journalism from Israel, it is
important first to understand that the news tells us far less about
Israel than about the people writing the news. Journalistic decisions
are made by people who exist in a particular social milieu, one which,
like most social groups, involves a certain uniformity of attitude,
behavior, and even dress (the fashion these days, for those interested,
is less vests with unnecessary pockets than shirts with unnecessary
buttons). These people know each other, meet regularly, exchange
information, and closely watch one another’s work. This helps explain
why a reader looking at articles written by the half-dozen biggest news
providers in the region on a particular day will find that though the
pieces are composed and edited by completely different people and
organizations, they tend to tell the same story.
The best insight into one of the key phenomena at play here comes not
from a local reporter but from the journalist and author Philip
Gourevitch. In Rwanda and elsewhere in Africa, Gourevitch wrote in 2010,
he was struck by the ethical gray zone of ties between reporters and
NGOs. “Too often the press represents humanitarians with unquestioning
admiration,” he observed in The New Yorker. “Why not seek to
keep them honest? Why should our coverage of them look so much like
their own self-representation in fund-raising appeals? Why should we (as
many photojournalists and print reporters do) work for humanitarian
agencies between journalism jobs, helping them with their official
reports and institutional appeals, in a way that we would never consider
doing for corporations, political parties, or government agencies?”
This confusion is very much present in Israel and the Palestinian
territories, where foreign activists are a notable feature of the
landscape, and where international NGOs and numerous arms of the United
Nations are among the most powerful players, wielding billions of
dollars and employing many thousands of foreign and local employees.
Their SUVs dominate sections of East Jerusalem and their expense
accounts keep Ramallah afloat. They provide reporters with social
circles, romantic partners, and alternative employment—a fact that is
more important to reporters now than it has ever been, given the
disintegration of many newspapers and the shoestring nature of their
Internet successors.
In my time in the press corps, I learned that our relationship with
these groups was not journalistic. My colleagues and I did not, that is,
seek to analyze or criticize them. For many foreign journalists, these
were not targets but sources and friends—fellow members, in a sense, of
an informal alliance. This alliance consists of activists and
international staffers from the UN and the NGOs; the Western diplomatic
corps, particularly in East Jerusalem; and foreign reporters. (There is
also a local component, consisting of a small number of Israeli
human-rights activists who are themselves largely funded by European
governments, and Palestinian staffers from the Palestinian Authority,
the NGOs, and the UN.) Mingling occurs at places like the lovely
Oriental courtyard of the American Colony hotel in East Jerusalem, or at
parties held at the British Consulate’s rooftop pool. The dominant
characteristic of nearly all of these people is their transience. They
arrive from somewhere, spend a while living in a peculiar subculture of
expatriates, and then move on.
In these circles, in my experience, a distaste for Israel has come to be
something between an acceptable prejudice and a prerequisite for entry.
I don’t mean a critical approach to Israeli policies or to the
ham-fisted government currently in charge in this country, but a belief
that to some extent the Jews of Israel are a symbol of the world’s ills,
particularly those connected to nationalism, militarism, colonialism,
and racism—an idea quickly becoming one of the central elements of the
“progressive” Western zeitgeist, spreading from the European
left to American college campuses and intellectuals, including
journalists. In this social group, this sentiment is translated into
editorial decisions made by individual reporters and editors covering
Israel, and this, in turn, gives such thinking the means of mass
self-replication.
...
In the aftermath of the three-week Gaza war of 2008-2009, not yet
quite understanding the way things work, I spent a week or so writing a
story about NGOs like Human Rights Watch, whose work on Israel had just
been subject to an unusual public lashing in The New York Times by its own founder, Robert Bernstein. (The Middle East, he wrote,
“is populated by authoritarian regimes with appalling human rights
records. Yet in recent years Human Rights Watch has written far more
condemnations of Israel for violations of international law than of any
other country in the region.”) My article was gentle, all things
considered, beginning like this:
JERUSALEM (AP) _ The prickly relationship between Israel and its
critics in human rights organizations has escalated into an
unprecedented war of words as the fallout from Israel’s Gaza offensive
persists ten months after the fighting ended.
Editors killed the story.
Around this time, a Jerusalem-based group called NGO Monitor was
battling the international organizations condemning Israel after the
Gaza conflict, and though the group was very much a pro-Israel outfit
and by no means an objective observer, it could have offered some
partisan counterpoint in our articles to charges by NGOs that Israel had
committed “war crimes.” But the bureau’s explicit orders to reporters
were to never quote the group or its director, an American-born
professor named Gerald Steinberg. In my time as an AP writer moving
through the local conflict, with its myriad lunatics, bigots, and
killers, the only person I ever saw subjected to an interview ban was
this professor.
When the UN released its controversial Goldstone report on the Gaza
fighting, we at the bureau trumpeted its findings in dozens of articles,
though there was discussion even at the time of the report’s failure to
prove its central charge: that Israel had killed civilians on purpose.
(The director of Israel’s premier human-rights group, B’Tselem, who was
critical of the Israeli operation, told me at the time that this claim
was “a reach given the facts,” an evaluation that was eventually
seconded by the report’s author. “If I had known then what I know now,
the Goldstone Report would have been a different document,” Richard
Goldstone wrote in The Washington Post
in April 2011.) We understood that our job was not to look critically
at the UN report, or any such document, but to publicize it.
Decisions like these are hard to fathom if you believe the foreign
press corps’ role is to explain a complicated story to people far away.
But they make sense if you understand that journalists covering Israel
and the Palestinian territories often don’t see their role that way. The
radio and print journalist Mark Lavie, who has reported from the region
since 1972, was a colleague of mine at the AP, where he was an editor
in the Jerusalem bureau and then in Cairo until his retirement last
year. (It was Lavie who first learned of the Israeli peace offer of late
2008, and was ordered by his superiors to ignore the story.) An
Indiana-born Israeli of moderate politics, he had a long run in
journalism that included several wars and the first Palestinian
intifada, and found little reason to complain about the functioning of
the media.
But things changed in earnest in 2000, with the collapse of peace
efforts and the outbreak of the Second Intifada. Israel accepted
President Bill Clinton’s peace framework that fall and the Palestinians
rejected it, as Clinton made clear.
Nevertheless, Lavie recently told me, the bureau’s editorial line was
still that the conflict was Israel’s fault, and the Palestinians and the
Arab world were blameless. By the end of Lavie’s career, he was editing
Israel copy on the AP’s Middle East regional desk in Cairo, trying to
restore balance and context to stories he thought had little connection
to reality. In his words, he had gone from seeing himself as a proud
member of the international press corps to “the Jew-boy with his finger
in the dike.” He wrote a book, Broken Spring, about his front-row view of the Middle East’s descent into chaos, and retired disillusioned and angry.
Read the whole thing. And yes, he also explains the genesis of that picture at the top of this post.
Labels: anti-Israel media bias, Gaza, Gerald Steinberg, Goldstone Report, NGO Monitor, NGO's, Palestinian incitement, Palestinian terrorism
Of course: Leftist AG's office clears B'Tselem as 'national service'
National Service (Sheirut Leumi) is a substitute for army service which is undertaken by many religious Jewish women (and some religious Jewish men) who won't serve in the army on religious grounds, as well as by people who have physical impediments to serving in the army... and by some conscientious objector types. About six weeks ago, the service's director - Sar Shalom Jerbi - issued a directive stating that volunteering at B'Tselem, our
Holocaust-denying anti-Israel
propaganda machine,
did not constitute national service. Our Leftist Attorney General's office has now
overruled that decision, which means that providing anti-Israel propaganda to the biased Schabas Commission will now be deemed 'national service' to the State of Israel.
On Tuesday Deputy Attorney General Dina Zilber announced that the decision was null and void.
Zilber
said that Jerbi can strip an organization of the right to receive
national service volunteers only if the organization rejects Israel’s
existence as a Jewish and democratic state, incites to violence, terror
or racism, or supports terrorism or armed struggle against Israel.
However, she said, he failed to prove that B’Tselem does any of these.
Jerbi
had cited two interviews B’Tselem director Hagai El-Ad gave during the
war, one to the Qatar-based Al-Jazeera television network and another to
Radio Tel Aviv, as evidence that the organization supports or incites
to terror. But Zilber deemed this evidence “weak.”
Moreover, she
said, the agency is obligated to treat all organizations equally, and
the fact that Jerbi hadn’t investigated other groups whose activities
are similar to those of B’Tselem “also paints the decision in a
problematic hue from the standpoint of equality.”
Jerbi’s
decision, Zilber wrote, “opens the door to politicization of the
National Civilian Service Administration, which is liable to use its
authority to deny recognition only to certain groups, thereby imposing
an economic and public price tag on them, only because of statements
that are controversial on one side of the political spectrum.”
Jerbi
said he would honor Zilber’s decision, but also plans to explore other
ways “to prevent the absurd situation in which the State of Israel,” via
its provision of national service volunteers, “continues financing an
organization that accused Israel Defense Forces soldiers and the State
of Israel of committing war crimes during Operation Protective Edge [in
Gaza] and libeled it around the world.”
Jerbi is seemingly faced with the Hobson's choice of providing national service volunteers to numerous anti-Israel organizations, or finding the budget to investigate all of them. What could go wrong?
Labels: anti-Israeli Israelis, B'Tselem, Gaza, Goldstone Report, William Schabas
Finally: Israel decides that serving B'Tselem is not serving the State
It took way too long to happen, but the State of Israel has finally concluded that serving the 'human rights' group B'Tselem does not constitute service to the State.
Working at B'Tselem will no longer count as 'national service.' I'm amazed it ever did.
National Civilian Service
Administration Director Sar-Shalom Jerbi informed B'Tselem Director
Hagai El-Ad of the decision to strip the group of its "operating
organization" certification on Wednesday, via a letter.
"After reviewing the matter with several other
operating organizations, and given [B'Tselem's] activities against
Israel and IDF troops, I have decided to revoke your participation in
the National-Civilian Service Volunteer Program; especially during this
period of time, when Israel is engaged in neutralizing the threat of
rocket fire looming over millions of its citizens."
Jerbi's letter to El-Ad continued, "As you
know, Israel is currently dealing with an international delegitimization
campaign, which includes gross incitement against the IDF -- the most
ethical military in the world. Unfortunately, B'Tselem is a party to
this smear campaign. The information released by the organization and
its expressed positions encourage our enemies worldwide and prompt
anti-Semitic expressions against Israel, as well as anti-Semitic attacks
on Jews."
A B'Tselem statement issued Wednesday read,
"B'Tselem maintains that protecting human rights is a vital democratic
action done in the best interest of Israeli society. Sar-Shalom Jerbi's
decision, which we doubt he has the authority to make, is an abuse of
his administrative power for the sake of political gain. It constitutes
political and governmental persecution of a human rights group.
"Mr. Jerbi goes as far as to allude that
releasing information about human rights violations during wartime
constitutes treason, thus fanning the flames of intolerance, which have
already poisoned the political atmosphere. He has included himself in
the dubious club of those who incite against anyone expressing any
criticism" of the Gaza operation.
The decision to exclude B'Tselem from the
national service volunteer program "allows the government to bar any
organization whose positions it does not approve of, form employing
those seeking to perform national service. This action contradicts both
the principles of democracy and proper administration norms."
I'm amazed we ever called working for B'Tselem 'national service.' Good riddance!
Labels: anti-Israeli Israelis, B'Tselem, Gaza, Goldstone Report, William Schabas
Civilian to combatant casualty ratio in Gaza around 1:1
Despite ongoing 'Palestinian' efforts to create civilian casualties in Gaza through the use of human shields, the IDF reports that the civilian to combatant casualty ratio in Operation Protective Edge is
around 1:1.
Israel has
evidence that almost half of Palestinians killed in the 25-day-old Gaza
war were combatants, its deputy foreign minister said on Saturday,
pushing back against international allegations of a lopsidedly heavy
civilian death toll.
Gazan human rights groups say
at least 80 percent of the 1,669 Palestinians killed have been
non-combatants, including hundreds of children. The U.N. Human Rights
Council last week accused the Israelis of "disproportionate and
indiscriminate attacks" and launched an inquiry into possible war
crimes.
...
"There is research being done in the military,
very professionally and reliably, (whose) conclusion is that at least
47% of the fatalities are terrorists, with photographs and names,"
Tzachi Hanegbi told Israel's Channel Two television, adding that the
data would be presented to investigators.
He
did not elaborate. Israel rejected the U.N. Human Rights Council's
probe announcement, describing the forum as biased, but usually conducts
its own combat inquiries.
Israel
says Hamas and other Palestinian guerrillas in Gaza are terrorists and
in past conflicts has used broad definitions of combatants - including,
for example, Palestinian policemen working for the Hamas administration.
Other significant factors in the count include:
1. The statistics from the 'Palestinian Health Ministry' in Gaza come from Hamas and are therefore not reliable.
2. The statistics from the 'human rights council' counted anyone under the age of 18 as a civilian, whereas Hamas uses 16 and 17-year olds (and sometimes even younger children) as combatants. and even uses
babies as human shields.
3. The more significant statistic in determining whether civilians or combatants are being killed is the male to female casualty ratio. The numbers I have seen for Operation Protective Edge put that at 3:1.
4. Israel's record is actually comparable or better than
other Western countries.
According to a 2010 assessment by John Sloboda of Iraq Body Count,
a United Kingdom-based organization, American and Coalition forces had
killed at least 28,736 combatants as well as 13,807 civilians in the Iraq War, indicating a civilian to combatant casualty ratio inflicted by coalition forces of 1:2.[24] However, overall, figures by the Iraq Body Count
from 20 March 2003 to 14 March 2013 indicate that of 174,000 casualties
only 39,900 were combatants, resulting in a civilian casualty rate of
77%.[25]
The civilian casualty ratio for U.S. drone strikes in Pakistan
is notoriously difficult to quantify. The U.S. itself puts the number
of civilians killed from drone strikes in the last two years at no more
than 20 to 30, a total that is far too low according to a spokesman for
the NGO CIVIC.[26] At the other extreme, Daniel L. Byman of the Brookings Institution
suggests that drone strikes may kill "10 or so civilians" for every
militant killed, which would represent a civilian to combatant casualty
ratio of 10:1. Byman argues that civilian killings constitute a
humanitarian tragedy and create dangerous political problems, including
damage to the legitimacy of the Pakistani government and alienation of
the Pakistani populace from America.[27] An ongoing study by the New America Foundation
finds non-militant casualty rates started high but have declined
steeply over time, from about 60% (3 out of 5) in 2004-2007 to less than
2% (1 out of 50) in 2012. The study puts the overall non-militant
casualty rate since 2004 at 15-16%, or a 1:5 ratio, out of a total of
between 1,908 and 3,225 people killed in Pakistan by drone strikes since
2004.[28]
By the way, Britain's civilian-combatant ratio in Afghanistan was
3:1.
After Operation Cast Lead, Israel produced a
500-page report which, among other things, showed that it had killed mostly combatants (make sure to watch the video at that link). Subsequently, former Israeli Ambassador to the United Nations
demolished the 'human rights council's investigation chairman, Richard Goldstone, in a
debate (videos at this link) at Brandeis University, which I
live-blogged. After that debate, Goldstone refused to debate anyone else (including
Alan Dershowitz) about his report, and eventually he
recanted the major accusations in the report - far too late.
Labels: civilian casualties, Dore Gold, Gaza, Goldstone Commission, Goldstone Report, Hamas, human shields, IDF, Operation Cast Lead, Operation Protective Edge, Richard Goldstone
Foreign reporters threatened on Twitter for reporting on Hamas rocket fire
On Wednesday night, I reported that foreign journalists have begun to quietly acknowledge that Hamas is using hospitals and mosques to store and fire rockets and is
using the civilian population generally as human shields for its activities. Unsurprisingly, we now have word that some foreign journalists have been
threatened for their reporting.
On Wednesday, Peter Stefanovic of Australia’s Channel Nine News
tweeted: “Hamas rockets just launched over our hotel from a site about
two hundred metres away. So a missile launch site is basically next
door.”
An account called @ThisIsGaza said this was Stefanovic’s fourth time
“passing and fabricating information to Israel... from GAZA” and
threatened to sue him.
Another account, @longitude0 wrote: “You are a cretin. Are you working for the IDF” and “in WWII spies got shot.”
Financial Times Jerusalem Bureau Chief John Reed reported seeing “two
rockets fired toward Israel from near al-Shifa hospital, even as more
bombing victims were brought in.”
Shifa, in Gaza City, is the main medical facility in the Strip [and is where the Hamas leadership is hiding out. CiJ].
In response, @Saritah_91 tweeted: “We’ll hold you responsible if Israel
uses your tweet to bomb the hospital & then justify it.”
Another twitter user, @ Faysal_FreeGaza, said he’s “subtly justifying
and encouraging IDF attacks on hospitals,” and @Maysara_ ara wrote:
“Get out of Gaza u informant.”
...
Harry Fear, a journalist from the UK reporting from Gaza for RT
(formerly Russia Today) television, tweeted last week: “Early morning
Gaza rockets were fired into Israel. A well-known site in W. Gaza City,
near my hotel, was among the origins, confirm locals.”
Fear then took on the critics, tweeting soon after that he rejects
“loaded complaints that I ‘informed’ Israel about the specifics of Gaza
military sites... These sites are well-known among locals and
internationals here.”
“Should a journalist only report the noise and ferocity of Israel’s
attacks & not the sounds of Gaza’s rockets? Both terrify people,”
he tweeted.
Later that day, Fear tweeted: “Al-Wafa hospital has been hit in the
last while; injuries reported – this is the hospital with human
shields.”
While a Goldstone 2 is unlikely to be any less biased than the
Goldstone Commission after Operation Cast Lead, these tweets should be filed away for future reference. If a future inquiry (there's already one in the making - more on that later) is biased against Israel, these tweets can be used to show that Israel acted justifiably.
Labels: Gaza, Goldstone Commission, Goldstone Report, Hamas, Hamas rockets, human shields, Operation Cast Lead, Operation Protective Edge, United Nations Human Rights Council
Why Netanyahu has not ordered a ground invasion
Prime Minister Netanyahu has not ordered a ground invasion due to international pressure and due to the fact that he understands that he would be sending at least some IDF soldiers to their deaths. We all understand that. But there's more to it than that. Elliott Abrams writes that Netanyahu has not ordered a ground invasion because of the
warped moral calculation it would cause with respect to casualty numbers.
For one thing, Netanyahu knows he would be sending some Israeli
soldiers to their deaths. But he also knows that in the sick math of the
Gaza war, Israel would be blamed for “disproportionate” killing.
What that means is simple: too many Palestinians would die, and “not
enough” Israelis–in the view of much of “world opinion.” You would read
that calculation in the New York Times and see it on the BBC.
In “Operation Cast Lead” in 2008, about 1000-1400 Palestinians died, and
13 Israelis. In “Operation Pillar of Defense” in 2012 it was something
like 150 to 6. As of now, in the current conflict there are no Israeli
deaths and about 100 Palestinian deaths. Here’s how Time Magazine started its story:
The death toll among Palestinians scrambling under a relentless Israeli air assault in the Gaza Strip passed 80 Thursday and edged close to 100 Friday,
including at least 14 children….Meanwhile, the barrage of rockets Gaza
militants launched toward Israeli cities failed to produce a significant
casualty on the third day of Israel’s offensive Thursday….The Israeli
military said it destroyed more buildings in the first 36 hours of the
current campaign than in all of Pillar of Defense. More people are dying
too: the 80 fatalities reported so far is, once again, more than half
the reported death toll from the longer bombing two years earlier.
Time then discussed exactly this phenomenon: when what
“world opinion” sees as “too many” Palestinians dying and the balance is
“too great” in Israel’s favor–that is, too many Palestinians and not
enough Israelis being killed–the calls for a cease-fire will escalate.
Moral equivalency between Israel and Hamas will be the order of the
day–except for those who elevate Hamas, since after all it is killing
fewer people!
...
Remember this: in the Second World War, the United States suffered
416,000 combat deaths, or about 0.32 percent of the population. Germany
suffered 4-5 million combat deaths, or about 5 percent of the
population. The death ratio was 10 to 1. Did that make the war unjust?
Does that mean the United States inflicted “disproportionate” numbers of
casualties? Unfortunately the Israelis know “world opinion” will never
be on their side in these arguments. Let’s just hope the United States
is.
UPDATE: UN Human Rights chief Navi Pillay has already proved this analysis right, even before an Israeli ground incursion. She said this today:
For its part, the Government of Israel must take all
possible measures to ensure full respect for the principles of
distinction, proportionality and precautions in attack, during the
conduct of hostilities, as required by international humanitarian law.
In all circumstances, they must avoid targeting civilians. However, we
have received deeply disturbing reports that many of the civilian
casualties, including of children, occurred as a result of strikes on
homes. Such reports raise serious doubt about whether the Israeli
strikes have been in accordance with international humanitarian law and
international human rights law.
So, she is already accusing Israel of breaking international
humanitarian law and human rights law. Perhaps since Goldstone has
retired, she is filling in.
You have to wonder what the outcome of World War II would have been had the World been as 'moral' as it is today.
Labels: Binyamin Netanyahu, disproportionate response, Elliott Abrams, Gaza, Goldstone Report, Hamas, moral high ground, Navi Pillay, Operation Cast Lead, Operation Protective Edge
Goldstone Commission member appointed special rapporteur on “Israel’s violations of the bases and principles of international law.”
Deciding that the vetting committee's choice for the UN’s next special rapporteur on “Israel’s violations of the bases and principles of international law,” the United Nations 'human rights council' has decided to appoint
Goldstone Report co-author Christine Chenkin to the position, replacing Richard Falk. The Arab group at the 'human rights commission' decided that the vetting committee's choice was not anti-Israel enough.
The only power that can yet stop these outrageously partisan and problematic appointments before tomorrow’s plenary decision is the Obama Administration.
When council president Baudelaire Ndong Ella tomorrow moves the nominations, the U.S. — if it is to live up to its pledge to use its UNHRC membership to fight bias, politicization and double standards — must take the floor, call a vote, and vote No.
Because the UN desperately seeks to make such appointments by consensus, the president may change his mind if he knows in advance and for certain that the U.S would challenge these two objectionable nominations.
If the U.S. fails to call a vote and stand up for what is right, it will have forfeited its moral justification for serving on a council that just elected Putin, the Castro regime, the Chinese Communist Party, and the House of Saud.
More on Chenkin's anti-Semitic background
here.
Labels: Christine Chenkin, Goldstone Commission, Goldstone Report, Richard Falk, United Nations Human Rights Council
If you're going to make us come to these talks, at least find an honest broker
Israelis strongly protested US Secretary of State John Kerry's choice of former Ambassador to Israel Martin Indyk to be the US representative to the possibly upcoming 'negotiations.' Indyk is the co-chairman of the
New Israel Fund.
The NIF was infamously
found to have sponsored left-wing Israeli organizations that provided
92% of the Israel-based quotes which appeared in the Goldstone Report – a
United Nations report on Israel's "Cast Lead" counter-terrorism
operation which was slammed as one-sided and defamatory of Israel.
Deputy Defense Minister Danny Danon has already sent a letter to
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu opposing the appointment of Indyk as
a go-between in the talks.
“The former ambassador, Mr. Martin Indyk, is the Chair of the
International Council of the New Israel Fund which provides funding to
anti-Zionist organizations that accuse Israel of war crimes,” wrote
Danon in the letter.
“I request that you ask the American administration for an honest broker for these negotiations.”
The NIF's critics note that it funds organizations that encourage
legal proceedings against Israeli soldiers and officials in various
countries, and organizations that are active in the BDS movement and
Israel apartheid week.
Ronen Shoval, chairman of Im Tirzu - a grassroots Israel Zionist
movement - called on the US administration to replace Indyk, in favour
of a "more honest broker."
...
"The Israeli public is already deeply suspicious and sceptical about
these talks. Appointing someone from the New Israel Fund to such a
crucial position will make them lose faith entirely - they just won't
trust someone from the NIF," he added.
As long as they don't bring us
Rob Malley instead.
Labels: Goldstone Report, John Kerry, Martin Indyk, Middle East peace process, negotiations without preconditions, New Israel Fund, Robert Malley
'Human rights watch's vulture an expert in fiction
Peter Bouckaert, the 'human rights watch' official who was quoted
prominently trashing Israel in a 'private' Facebook page conversation among a group called the Vultures, is an expert in fiction. Bouckaert wrote 'human rights watch's coverage of the Second Lebanon War in 2006, which in a prelude to the even more toxic 2009 Goldstone Report took uncorroborated testimony of Lebanese as absolute truth.
This was sent to me by email:
EXPERTS OR IDEOLOGUES?
PETER BOUCKAERT
NGO MonitorSeptember 08, 2009NGO Monitor Monograph Series
Peter Bouckaert
Peter Bouckaert, “Emergencies Director” for HRW,
38
has a background in research in South Africa. His one-sided approach to
the Arab-Israeli context may be the result of drawing a false analogy
between the two very different conflict situations of South Africa and
Israel. Bouckaert worked at the Constitutional Litigation Unit of the
Legal Resources Centre in South Africa 1994-1995 and the South Africa
Department of Land Affairs 1996-1996.
39 He
holds a law degree from Stanford University and received a fellowship
at HRW after graduation in 1997. In his position, Bouckaert “is
responsible for coordinating [HRW’s] response to major wars and other
human rights crises.”
40
An interview with Bouckaert described his “maverick style,” his “urgent
headline grabbing activism,” and, as with many other activists at HRW,
his anti-establishment approach (Case 2005).
Boukaert
has authored a number of tendentious op-eds directed exclusively at
Israel during and after the Second Lebanon War. An August 5, 2006
report from Tyre, For Israel, Innocent Civilians Are Fair Game,
claimed that “Time after time, Israel has hit civilian homes and cars
…killing dozens of people with no evidence of any military objective./My
notebook overflows with reports of civilian deaths…” (Bouckaert Aug.
5-6, 2006). Another op-ed inThe Guardian described the
“carnage in Qana” and Israel’s actions as “war crimes” (Bouckaert July
31, 2006). As noted below in the case study on the Lebanon War, HRW
amplified and distorted the events in Qana by publicizing a false
casualty figure and repeating claims of indiscriminate attacks.
Bouckaert also wrote HRW’s September 2007 report on the Second Lebanon War, Why They Died.
This pseudo-research publication followed HRW’s pattern of highly
selective analysis, unprofessional methodology, unverifiable
allegations, and grossly disproportionate criticism of Israel that
includes 122 pages on alleged Israeli abuses, and just 23 pages on
alleged abuses by Hezbollah. This report also reexamines and corrects
some of the most blatant errors in the case studies from HRW’s earlier
report, Fatal Strikes which Bouckaert co-authored (NGO Monitor Digest Oct. 1, 2007). For example, in Fatal Strikes an airstrike on Aitaroun on July 17 is presented as an example of the killing of civilians at a time when “Hezbollah was not operating in the area.” Yet in Why They Died,
the details are changed. Different witnesses report that “The night of
the attack, Hezbollah was firing from inside the village. …At 10:15 p.m., they were firing rockets from near our house. We heard the missiles going out.”41
Commenting
on Jenin in 2002, following the international campaign to accuse Israel
of a massacre and war crimes, Bouckaert alleged that “very serious
violations of the laws of war took place” and claimed that Israel
“clearly failed in [the] important obligation [to minimize suffering to
civilians] by causing the significant loss of civilian life and massive
damage to civilian property.” This assertion erased Israel’s decision to
send soldiers to fight house to house against terrorist infrastructure,
instead of relying on airstrikes, due to the civilian presence in
Jenin.
In the picture above, Mohamed al-Dura is seen in his role as the patron saint of Durban, the internationally coordinated political and economic campaign against the existence of a Jewish state.
We've been here before.
Labels: BDS, Goldstone Report, Human Rights Watch, Mohamed al-Dura, Second Lebanon War
Soccer Dad's Middle East Media Sampler
Here's Soccer Dad's Middle East Media Sampler for Wednesday, January 30.
1) Defining terror down; defining occupation up
In a New York Times op-ed nearly two years ago, Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas wrote:
Palestine’s admission to the United Nations would pave the way for the
internationalization of the conflict as a legal matter, not only a
political one. It would also pave the way for us to pursue claims
against Israel at the United Nations, human rights treaty bodies and the
International Court of Justice.
Now a pro-Palestinian activist, George Bisharat has filled in details as to how this process will work. In Why Palestine should take Israel to court in the Hague he writes:
The Palestinians’ first attempt to join the I.C.C. was thwarted last
April when the court’s chief prosecutor at the time, Luis Moreno-Ocampo,
declined the request on the grounds that Palestine was not a state.
That ambiguity has since diminished with the United Nations’ conferral
of nonmember state status on Palestine in November. Israel’s frantic
opposition to the elevation of Palestine’s status at the United Nations
was motivated precisely by the fear that it would soon lead to I.C.C.
jurisdiction over Palestinian claims of war crimes.
Israeli leaders are unnerved for good reason. The I.C.C. could prosecute
major international crimes committed on Palestinian soil anytime after
the court’s founding on July 1, 2002.
Bisharat then cites Col. Daniel Reisner, the one time head of the IDF's legal department:
The former head of the Israeli military’s international law division, Daniel Reisner, asserted
in 2009: “International law progresses through violations. We invented
the targeted assassination thesis and we had to push it. At first there
were protrusions that made it hard to insert easily into the legal
molds. Eight years later it is in the center of the bounds of
legitimacy.”
From the complete context, it's pretty clear that Reisner didn't mean
violations as much as ill defined areas of the law. (Bisharat's
implication is clear: the United States should be subject to ICC
prosecution for targeted killings in Pakistan and Yemen.)
Bisharat makes a dubious claim here:
And it has treated civilian employees of Hamas — including police
officers, judges, clerks, journalists and others — as combatants because
they allegedly support a “terrorist infrastructure.” Never mind that
contemporary international law deems civilians “combatants” only when
they actually take up arms.
Elder of Ziyon has addressed the issue of the police officers in some detail.
This is a critical paragraph, and it highlights Goldstone's
credulity. There is a clear statement from the police spokesman saying
that the police were instructed to face the enemy, which is not a very
ambiguous statement. Months later, when he is reached by commission
members to explain this problematic statement, he seizes the opportunity
to "clarify" that he only meant that they should be doing normal police
duties.
And Goldstone believes him.
Not only that, his "proof" is an absurd statement that no policemen were
killed in combat (presumably during the ground invasion.) This is a
lie. According to PCHR and my research, 16 policemen were killed from
January 4th and on, 34 policemen were killed, and my research indicates
that at least 16 of them were members of terror organizations.
What international law "deems" can be fluid.
Even the concept of "occupation," on which Bisharat rests much of his
case isn't as clear cut as he presumes. Eugene Kontorovich wrote recently:
I recently came across a discussion in the U.N.’s International Law
Commission from 1950, as part of the drafting of the Draft Declaration
on Rights and Duties of States. There were quibbles from countries such
as France about whether annexation is always banned, or whether there
might be various exceptions.
In response, the Secretary observed: “It might be suggested that in
order to constitute a crime under international law an annexation must
be carried out through the use of armed force, with a view to destroying
the territorial integrity of another State.” [See I Yearbook of Int. Law Comm. 137 (1950).]
Indeed, it was not surprising that there was some confusion and
concern about the extent of an annexation norm, since as the delegates
admitted, there were some “frontier adjustments” made by the Allies
after WWII.
The larger problem is that the New York Times continues to promote the
Palestinian effort to avoid negotiations and have a settlement imposed
on Israel internationally, with no editorial objections.
Please also see Seth Mandel's The Shameful Attack on Israel from Amnesty International.
2) Iran and Hagel
At the end of a long analysis of the behavior of the Iranian regime, Michael Rubin writes in Deciphering Iranian decision making and strategy today:
Wars in the Middle East are caused not by oil or water but by
overconfidence. In 1988, an Iranian mine damaged a US guided missile
cruiser. In retaliation, President Ronald Reagan ordered Operation
Praying Mantis to destroy Iranian oil terminals. The US Navy decimated
its Iranian challengers in the ensuing battle, the largest US naval
surface engagement since World War II. The red line Reagan established
created a tacit understanding that governed US-Iranian relations for
another 15 years.
As the Iranian leadership has concluded that it could—literally—get away
with murder in Iraq and Afghanistan, that American red lines were
ephemeral, and that the United States was not prepared to stop its
nuclear program, Tehran has grown bolder. Iranian diplomats might talk,
but the powers that be will not abide by any deal. The IRGC and its
proxies will continue to test American red lines until the United States
forcibly pushes back.
This is not calling for America declaring war on Iran, though, I
suppose, some would consider it such. But if red lines are necessary for
limiting the spread of Iranian influence, what does it mean that
President Obama has nominated Sen. Chuck Hagel to be Secretary of
Defense?
Seth Mandel asks (and answers)Are Hagel and Obama “Soul Mates” on Defense Policy?
They would travel to Iraq together, where Hagel was dismissive and
suspicious of the military’s top brass. Obama would take office and do
the same. Hagel would speak out against tough Iran sanctions, and Obama
would work against them from the White House, opposing several
iterations of them and finally watering them down when he couldn’t
prevent sanctions from passing Congress. Hagel would loudly criticize
even the contemplation of military action against Iran, and Obama would
have his secretary of defense deliver a similar message to Israel. It is
this pattern that has led Hagel’s critics to express concern about his
nomination to be secretary of defense. Many worry Obama shares Hagel’s
views; Obama’s defenders assure us he does not. The Washington Post’s
Bob Woodward says the critics are right, and relays a conversation Obama
and Hagel had at the beginning of Obama’s first term:
Mandel quotes a recent op-ed by Bob Woodward answering the question in the affirmative.
The AP reports:
Iran's elite Quds Force and Hezbollah militants are learning from a
series of botched terror attacks over the past two years and pose a
growing threat to the U.S. and other Western targets as well as Israel, a
prominent counterterrorism expert says.
Operating both independently and together, the militant groups are
escalating their activities around the world, fueling worries in the
U.S. that they increasingly have the ability and the willingness to
attack the U.S., according to a report by Matthew Levitt of the
Washington Institute for Near East Studies. His report points to two
attacks last year -- one successful and one foiled by U.S. authorities
-- as indications that the militants are adapting and are determined to
take revenge on the West for efforts to disrupt Tehran's nuclear program
and other perceived offenses.
The report's conclusions expand on comments late last year from U.S.
terrorism officials who told Congress that the Quds Force and Hezbollah,
which often coordinate efforts, have become "a significant source of
concern" for the U.S. The Quds Force is an elite wing of Iran's powerful
Revolutionary Guard, the defenders of Iran's ruling clerics and their
hold on power.
At a time where it appears that Iran will be more aggressive, President
Obama has nominated someone who will be hesitant to fight back or
establish red lines.
Labels: Barack Hussein Obama, Chuck Hagel, Goldstone Report, International Criminal Court, Iranian nuclear threat, Middle East Media Sampler, occupation, Soccer Dad
Im Tirtzu blasts New Israel Fund again
The Right-wing NGO Im Tirtzu
sent a letter this week to the New Israel Fund, the financier of all anti-Israel causes in Israel. The letter appears above. I am reproducing the text below.
Dear Mr. Lurie:
We write to ask a simple question: Do you stand by the latest accusations NIF-funded groups are making against Israel?
After
Operation Cast Lead in 2009, groups funded by the NIF led a campaign
that sought to portray Israel as a war criminal and human rights
violator. That campaign culminated in the Goldstone Report, a ruthlessly
biased attack on Israel that cited NIF groups hundreds of times. Even
Judge Goldstone himself has disowned it.
Now, in the weeks after the latest conflict in Gaza, NIF groups are
once again making misleading and unfounded accusations against the IDF.
B’tselem,
Adalah, Gisha, and the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel are
claiming that the IDF targeted journalists and civilians, violated
international law, and is perpetrating “collective punishment,” a war
crime under the Geneva Conventions.
In the weeks leading up to Israel’s response, as terrorist rockets
forced thousands of Israelis into bomb shelters, none of these groups
criticized the attacks or stood up for Israel’s right – its human right,
and its right under international law – to defend itself.
Despite this troubling record, we hold out hope for your leadership
as the new president of the New Israel Fund. We ask that you hold the
groups you fund responsible for the veracity of their accusations, and
that you demand just as much accountability from them as they do from
the IDF.
And if you do not stand by their latest false accusations, Israelis deserve to know: What will you do to reform the New Israel Fund?
Sincerely,
Im Tirtzu
The Zionist Student Movement
Here's a fact sheet from Im Tirtzu:
“After
Operation Cast Lead in 2009, groups funded by the NIF led a campaign
that sought to portray Israel as a war criminal and human rights
violator. That campaign culminated in the Goldstone Report, a ruthlessly
biased attack on Israel that cited NIF groups hundreds of times.”
Thorough
documentation of NIF’s involvement in producing the Goldstone Report is
contained in the 2010 NGO Monitor report, “NIF-funded NGO’s: Goldstone’s
Building Blocks.” (HERE)
As the
report notes, “After the Goldstone commission was established, three
major and long-time NIF grantees (Public Committee against Torture in
Israel, Physicians for Human Rights-Israel, and Adalah) participated in a
May 2009 NGO ‘town hall meeting’ in Geneva that helped shape the course
of Goldstone’s ‘investigation’. In addition, seven NIF-funded NGOs
(including the Association for Civil Rights in Israel, Gisha, HaMoked,
and Yesh Din) submitted a joint statement to Goldstone, and a
representative from PCATI ‘testified’ at the July 2009 Goldstone
hearings, referring to ‘collective punishment’ and ‘[Palestinian]
martyrs.’
“The
resulting Goldstone report referenced B’Tselem more than 56 times;
Adalah, 38; and Breaking the Silence, 27. Significantly, many of these
citations referred to speculative issues unrelated to the conflict in
Gaza, seeking to brand Israeli democracy as ‘repressive,’ and to widen
the scope of the condemnations and the resulting political campaigns.”
After the
Goldstone Report was released, “B’Tselem, Adalah, and PHR-I, among
others, have lobbied Israeli and foreign governments to support
Goldstone’s report and its recommendations.”
The
executive director of one of NIF’s flagship groups, B’Tselem, went so
far as to boast of her organization’s contributions to the Goldstone
Report. B’Tselem, Jessica Montell said, “provided extensive assistance
to the UN fact-finding mission headed by Justice Goldstone—escorting
them to meet victims in Gaza, providing all of our documentation and
correspondence, and meeting the mission in Jordan.” (HERE)
“Even Judge Goldstone himself has disowned it.”
In
a 2011 Washington Post op-ed, Judge Richard Goldstone rescinded the
central claim of the Goldstone Report, that Israel had intentionally
targeted civilians in Operation Cast Lead. (HERE)
“Now,
in the weeks after the latest conflict in Gaza, NIF groups are once
again making misleading and unfounded accusations against the IDF.
B’tselem,
Adalah, Gisha, and the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel are
claiming that the IDF targeted journalists and civilians, violated
international law, and is perpetrating ‘collective punishment,’ a war
crime under the Geneva Conventions.”
A B’Tselem statement
the day after Operation Pillar of Defense began accused Israel of
targeting civilians: “As was the case four years ago [in Operation Cast
Lead], Israeli officials are now using the conduct of Palestinian
organizations to justify harm to Palestinian civilians….The fact that
one side violates the law does not give the other side the right to
violate it as well.” (HERE) Days later, B’Tselem accused Israel of targeting journalists (HERE) despite the fact that the “journalists” were well-known senior terrorists in Hamas and Islamic Jihad. (HERE)
Adalah,
another flagship NIF grantee – it seeks as an official position the end
of Israel as a Jewish State – accused Israel of “a serious violation of
the laws of war.” (HERE)
Sari Bashi, the executive director of Gisha, accused Israel of “collective punishment” during the conflict. (HERE) Collective punishment is a war crime under Article 33 of the 4th Geneva Convention.
The Public Committee Against Torture in Israel signed a statement claiming, without offering any specifics, “concrete
evidence indicating the commission of war crimes” by Israel. The
statement also blamed Israel entirely for Hamas’s rocket attacks on
Israeli civilians and called for another Goldstone-style “investigation” of Israel at the United Nations. (HERE)
The New Israel Fund's (pathetic) response is
here. Elder of Ziyon demolishes them
here.
Labels: Goldstone Report, Im Tirtzu, New Israel Fund, NGO Monitor
International Criminal Court could investigate Operation Cast Lead
The International Criminal Court could yet
resurrect the Goldstone Report from its grave.
In
2009, the Palestinians asked the ICC prosecutor's office to investigate
alleged war crimes committed by the Israeli military during its
December 2008-January 2009 Operation Cast Lead offensive in the Gaza
Strip.
However, only a state can launch such a request under
international law, which is why former prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo
earlier this year decided to leave it up to the "competent organs of the
United Nations" to decide whether or not Palestine was a state.
Now
that Palestine has attained non-member observer status, it may ratify
the court's founding treaty, the Rome Statute. That could open the door
for an investigation, despite intense pressure by countries including
the US, Britain and France to desist.
Independent from the UN, the
Hague-based court can prosecute individuals guilty of genocide, war
crimes and crimes against humanity, but only in countries that have
ratified the Rome Statute, or countries which recognises its authority.
As in the case of Libya last year, an investigation can also be opened through a UN Security Council referral.
While
a Security Council referral for an investigation remains remote --
Israel's staunchest ally the United States would likely veto the
decision -- there are two other possibles routes to a probe.
The
ICC's chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda may decide to ask ICC judges to
authorise a probe, or an ICC member country may refer a situation to the
prosecutor and ask her to investigate.
What could go wrong? Labels: Gaza, Goldstone Report, International Criminal Court, Operation Cast Lead
Goldstone going for career advancement on Israel's back again

Richard Goldstone, the author of the discredited Goldstone Report on Operation Cast Lead, has inserted himself as Chairman of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CICC), an organization that is helping to
select judges for the International Criminal Court (ICC). Both the CICC and its advisory council are filled with a collection of UN hacks that should raise some eyebrows. And although Israel, the 'Palestinians' and the United States are not members of the ICC, the 'Palestinians' are seeking to have Israel hauled before the court (which could theoretically happen were a determination made that Israel's judicial system is not competent to investigate the behavior of - for example - the IDF), and that effort is likely to become more intense if the 'Palestinians' are granted full membership in the United Nations. George Soros also has a hand in this....
Officially, Goldstone’s panel has no power to dictate anything regarding the ICC; it can only advise. But at the CICC, Goldstone has embedded himself amid a clique of former U.N. officials well versed in working the system, and in some cases used to working together. For instance, the CICC’s 14-member advisory board includes one of Goldstone’s three co-authors of the Goldstone Report, Pakistani lawyer Hina Jilani. Following Goldstone’s walk-back in April, she defended the report as an important document that nothing can invalidate.
The advisory board also includes Goldstone himself, and former U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour — who in 2006 used her U.N. pulpit to protest the execution of Saddam Hussein, and in 2008 welcomed an anti-Semitic Arab-rights charter, before waffling away from it under public criticism.
The five-member “Independent Panel on ICC Judicial Elections” includes a Chilean former judge, Cecilia Medina Quiroga. She’s a veteran of a pre-Goldstone U.N. fact-finding mission dispatched by the Human Rights Council to Gaza which also included a British lawyer who later was another co-author of the Goldstone Report, Christine Chinkin.
Two other panel members have served as judges for the U.N. International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, where Goldstone in the mid-1990s was chief prosecutor. They are South Korean former justice O-Gon Kwon (still serving on the near-eternal Yugoslavia tribunal) and an American former judge, Patricia Wald, former chair and current member of the board of George Soros’s Open Society Justice Initiative.
The fifth panel member is a Swedish lawyer, Hans Corell, who served as legal counsel to the U.N. from 1994 to 2004. Under former secretary-general Kofi Annan, Corell was heavily involved in the creation of the ICC. He also had a hand in the creation and management of the U.N.’s Oil-for-Food Program, a relief plan so badly designed, so mismanaged, and so globally corrupt that Annan was finally forced in 2004 to call for a special inquiry — in which Goldstone served as a member of a three-man panel, led by former U.S. Federal Reserve chairman Paul Volcker. The committee exonerated Annan of deliberate wrongdoing, but not of a “cumulative management performance” that “fell short of the standards that the United Nations Organization should strive to maintain.” Today, Kofi Annan chairs the CICC advisory board.
And what, exactly, is the CICC, which has gathered all these folks together? Funded by donors such as George Soros’s Open Society Institute, the Ford Foundation, and the European Union, it is a program run by a nonprofit organization called the World Federalist Movement/Institute for Global Policy. Registered in New York, with another office in The Hague, the World Federalist Movement enjoys consultative status with the U.N., and campaigns for “World Federalist government.”
A spokesman for the CICC, reached by phone, says Goldstone’s report on the ICC judicial candidates will probably be released sometime next month. Nothing here precludes the possibility that Goldstone might have learned from his self-confessed mistakes. Nonetheless, there’s something in this CICC welter of old U.N. hacks and fresh presumption that gives added heft to the obvious question: Does the world really need another Goldstone Report?
What could go wrong?
Labels: Christine Chenkin, Goldstone Report, Hina Jilani, International Criminal Court, Louise Arbour, Richard Goldstone
Why Palmer did so much better than Goldstone

Gerald Steinberg and Gidon Shaviv explain why the Palmer Commission report is so much less biased than the Goldstone Report. Aside from the obvious (panel makeup and mandate), they come up with
this.
Finally and most importantly, the methodology and sources which the two commissions relied upon were entirely different. The Palmer report, as per its mandate, was based mainly on reports submitted by the governments of Israel and Turkey. As a result, the analysis was informed by numerous details and a credible summary of the events. Where the Palmer Commission could not fully reconcile or verify the submissions, they modestly acknowledged this fact.
The Goldstone Report however, relied heavily on submissions from highly politicized, mainly pro-Palestinian NGOs. The claims and so-called eyewitness testimony, quoting Palestinians whose allegations could not be verified, resulted in highly dubious conclusions. Highly distorted NGO analyses of international law were also reflected in the controversial interpretations of law in the Goldstone report. The weight given to such suspect sources is evidenced by over 500 references to NGOs in Goldstone’s publication, while Palmer cited NGOs in three places, without accepting their claims.
At least in the case of Israel's report, that's because the Israeli report was an official government commission of inquiry which did not rely on NGO's - the IDF sent witnesses to the civilian Terkel Commission. There was much discussion at the time about who should be sent and whether anyone should be sent at all from the IDF. By contrast, after Operation Cast Lead, the government refused to set up a non-military investigation at all.
We have a great military justice system, but to the rest of the world, the IDF investigating the IDF isn't always going to pass a smell test. Perhaps, if a commission is made up of non-military people whose credentials are unquestioned, like the Terkel Commission, such a commission is not a bad idea.
UPDATE 3:30 PMI've corrected the last paragraph to make clear that I meant that the Terkel Commission was not a bad idea for Israel.
Labels: Goldstone Report, Palmer Commission, Terkel Committee
White House opposes Ros-Lehtinen bill on UN

On Monday, I reported on a bill introduced by House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairwoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen (R-Fl) to
cut off funding for the United Nations in the event that it upgrades the status of the 'Palestinian' mission to the United Nations. There's actually a lot more to the bill than that - I am embedding a summary issued by Ros-Lehtinen's office below. As you will see, the bill would also seek to:
1. Make UN funding voluntary.
2. Allow the GAO to audit the use of US contributions to the UN (and allow funding only to UN agencies who pledge to cooperate in such audits).
3. Require the State Department to report to Congress on UN reform and personnel practices.
4. The 'Palestinian' provision I discussed on Monday.
5. Several measures that would nullify the Goldstone Report.
6. Takes the US off the 'Human Rights Council' until its membership is cleaned up.
7. Withholds funding from the Durban process.
8. Withholds funding from UNRWA.
9. Seeks to reform the IAEA to make it better able to monitor member states' compliance.
10. Reforms UN peacekeeping.
The full summary is below (2-page Word document). I have more about this after the fold.
Summary- United Nations Transparency, Accountability, And Reform ActThe
State Department opposes Ros-Lehtinen's bill.
The State Department said it was opposed to Ros-Lehtinen's legislation to revamp UN funding because, as spokeswoman Victoria Nuland said, it would "seriously undermine our international standing and dangerously weaken the UN as an instrument to advance US national security goals."
"We believe in U.N. reform, we just don't think that this is the right way to go about it," Nuland said. The United States called on Monday for the rescinding of a nearly 3 percent cost of living pay increase to almost 5,000 UN employees in New York, saying it was inappropriate at a time of austerity.
Jonathan Tobin reports that
the White House is opposed as well and will cause the Senate to oppose Ros-Lehtinen's bill.
But while Ros-Lehtinen’s bill is likely to pass the House, it will face a rough time in the Senate due to opposition from the White House. An administration source told Politico: “This draft legislation is dated, tired, and frankly unresponsive to the positive role being played by the UN.” This raises the question: is President Obama willing to head into a re-election contest flying the flag of the UN?
The White House claims Republican critics of the UN are ignoring the positive role the institution has played in Afghanistan and Libya. It argues that American influence at the world body is maximized when the U.S. is fully engaged and paying the 22 percent of the UN’s budget that flows from Washington. But Obama’s “don’t worry, be happy” approach to the UN has done nothing to convince its members to stop trying to kill the peace process by voting to recognize an independent Palestinian state without first requiring it to make peace with Israel. Nor has the administration used its supposedly weighty influence at Turtle Bay to transform UNRWA or the Human Rights Council, both of which exist primarily in order to perpetuate the Arab war against Israel. Despite progress on some fronts, the UN and its affiliate agencies remain a cesspool of anti-Semitism and bias against Israel as the upcoming Durban III UN conference (which, to its credit, the administration plans to boycott) proves yet again.
Read the whole thing.
The US pays anywhere from 22% (general) to 27% (peacekeeping) of the UN's budget. For 2010, the
US contribution came to more than $3.8 billion, and for 2011, the Obama administration has requested nearly $4.3 billion. Given the current economic crisis in the US, it is incredible to me that an organization that does so much that is anathema to the American people, and which has been shown to be corrupt so many times in the past, is given such huge amounts of American taxpayer money without any oversight.
And Obama's friend
Rashid Khalidi is worried about $3 billion that is given to Israel, with whom the US shares democratic values, and most of which is spent in the US anyway.
Republicans need to get behind this bill and either push it through or make the Democrats pay a heavy political price for its failure.
Labels: Barack Hussein Obama, Durban process, Goldstone Report, IAEA, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Palestinian state RIGHT NOW syndrome, United Nations, United Nations Human Rights Council, UNRWA
'Human rights' groups to lose National Service volunteers?

It never would have occurred to me that the Israeli 'human rights' groups that provided the fodder for the slanderous Goldstone Report have the right to benefit from
National Service volunteers - people who choose to serve the country in ways other than through the IDF (mostly religious girls). But they do have those rights - at least for now. And there's a movement afoot - which could even be called bipartisan - to revoke them (Hat Tip:
Shy Guy).
Behind the initiative is MK Israel Hasson (Kadima ), who recently asked Prof. Daniel Hershkowitz (Habayit Hayehudi ), the minister responsible for the National Service administration, to formulate new criteria for determining which organizations in the country are eligible to receive National Service volunteers, as part of new legislation that will govern the activities of the National Service.
After conducting an initial investigation, Hershkowitz discovered that among those organizations that receive National Service volunteers are the Association for Civil Rights Israel (ACRI ), Amnesty Israel, The Public Committee Against Torture in Israel and Physicians for Human Rights Israel. Hasson's initiative comes on the heels of similar attempts to impinge on the activities of Israeli organizations that provided information to the Goldstone Commission, while it was compiling its report on IDF activities in Gaza during Operation Cast Lead.
Ever since the Im Tirtzu movement published a list of such organizations, focusing in particular on support they received from the New Israel Fund, a number of MKs have put forward proposals aimed at cutting their funding.
In his letter to Hershkowitz, Hasson accused the organizations of slandering the IDF and its officers and called for new criteria to be set to prevent such organizations from benefiting from National Service volunteers in the future. He noted that the groups "urged the UN inquiry committee headed by Judge Goldstone to accuse Israel of anti-humanitarian activities and severe violations of human rights during Operation Cast Lead."
"The organizations have made statements based on mere assumptions regarding the motives of the IDF actions against Hamas," Hasson wrote. "They claimed the operation was a punitive one, which used destruction as a means of deterrence and punishment, not as a means for attaining any real military objectives. As a result, it raises serious suspicions about the legality of the entire operation. This was said despite the fact that these organizations did not have the information on which to base such statements."
As I said at the top of this post, it never would have occurred to me that these organizations would have the right to benefit from National Service volunteers, given that their work is a national disservice. Maybe now that wrong will be set right.
Labels: Goldstone Report, Im Tirtzu, New Israel Fund